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An argument in favor of total ban of gun acquisition

Will the deadliest mass shooting in modern American history change the debate over gun rights? Over the roar of the guitar, the gunfire erupted. At first the country-music fans at the Route 91 Harvest Festival in Las Vegas thought the loudspeakers were malfunctioning or that the pyrotechnics had gone awry. But as the bodies crumpled, the crowd began to grasp the horror that was unfolding. The rapid pop pop pop exploded around Doris Huser, 29.

They could feel the bullets pinging off the concession stands, ricocheting off the pavement around them. About 50 yards away, Tyler Reeve, a 36-year-old country artist and songwriter, dove into a production trailer with five friends and lay on the floor as hundreds of rounds rang out.

Piles of an argument in favor of total ban of gun acquisition were everywhere. Blood collected in pools. Melissa Bayer, who had just left a nearby Hooters, witnessed the mayhem from a hundred yards away. This a mass shooting, she thought. This is what it looks like. If their initial reaction to the opening salvos at 10: Stephen Paddock, 64, who smashed the windows of his 32nd-floor Mandalay Bay Resort and Casino suite and trained an assault-style semiautomatic weapon on the helpless souls four football fields away, broke another dismal record for American murder.

At least 58 dead, at least 527 wounded, by a man who, for no immediately discernible reason, lugged an arsenal of 23 weapons into his high-roller suite and then rained of hundreds upon hundreds of bullets into a tightly packed crowd. Twelve of his high-powered rifles were modified with legal parts that made them function like automatic weapons, capable of unleashing nine rounds per second, a rate of fire rarely seen off the field of war. Year after year, mass shootings have broken record after record for casualties.

From a university in Virginia to a gay dance club in Orlando, the body count has increased, creating an image of an unstoppable national slaughter. High-profile battles over background checks and gun-show loopholes have stalled on Capitol Hill, even as gun-rights advocates introduce new provisions to weaken the existing constraints. New laws could at least limit the carnage when a murderer opens up on a crowd. We have decided that grenade launchers should not be widely available; why should we not say the same for devices that allow bullets to be fired at a rate of more than 400 rounds per minute?

Nor is the political divide as unbridgeable as it appears. The majority of gun owners believe in some form of regulation, and several Republican Senators have suggested they are open to compromise. The guns are a rejection of political correctness that creeps into everything. Even the most incremental move to constrain deadly weaponry seems to many Americans to cut against their rights.

In the blood-soaked scene on the Vegas Strip, those deeply held beliefs collide with our collective horror.

The question now, as the victims try to make sense of slaughter on a military scale, is where do we draw the line? If that is a political question, it is has proven a confounding one. There are an estimated 265 million guns in the U. But not all gun owners are against all forms of gun control.

So why are measures like closing background-check loopholes and limiting high-capacity magazines not already law? In one sense, history supports that argument. But rather than spiking back up, the rate of gun homicides continued to drop. Gun-rights advocates used that as an example of gun-control laws not working.

A Criminologist's Case Against Gun Control

But it is less logic than political fear that has thwarted the passage of even modest gun-control measures. As the NRA and like-minded groups have become expert at harnessing a relatively small group of uncompromising gun-rights advocates, politicians fear being targeted in their next election. The combination of money and motivation has been powerful. Trump won both states. That power opened the door to expand gun rights on the state level.

  • Year after year, mass shootings have broken record after record for casualties;
  • Her bill, introduced the next day, immediately drew widespread support among Democrats;
  • The majority of gun owners believe in some form of regulation, and several Republican Senators have suggested they are open to compromise;
  • Brazil Seeks to Copy U;
  • The problem is implementing and enforcing such a system;
  • The program attracted a great deal of criticism, huge cost overruns and resistance from firearms owners, and in 2012 the Conservative government scrapped the program and destroyed the registry.

After 2004, while advocates for limits on guns attempted to fight their way back on a federal assault-weapons bans, gun-rights groups were pushing to unravel restrictions elsewhere. At the state level, concealed-carry laws were loosened or abolished at a rapid clip.

Many states started accepting the gun-license standards of their counterparts, often regardless of whether they were more lax than their own.

Even on the federal level, where there appeared to be a political stalemate, gun-rights advocates found ways to make progress on the margins.

The Fight Over Gun Control Isn’t Really About Guns

While the sale and ownership of machine guns have been strictly controlled since the 1930s and such weapons are very rare among civilians, the company argued their device would benefit handicapped gun enthusiasts, and the ATF assented. Right up until Vegas, gun-rights advocates were trying to advance laws loosening gun restrictions through the Republican-led Congress.

The Horror in Las Vegas seemed to change nothing at the Capitol. House Speaker Paul Ryan, a Republican, promoted the virtues of mental-health care when he met with reporters Oct.

‘Successes’ at gun control

In an interview days earlier, Scalise had told 60 Minutes that the attack on him did not diminish his belief in the Second Amendment and credited his security detail with saving his life. In many corners a sense of hopelessness settled over the post-Vegas debate. The evening of Oct. Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein, who has raised the alarm about bump stocks for years, said she planned to revive her ban on such accessories.

Her bill, introduced the next day, immediately drew widespread support among Democrats. Republicans kept a skeptical distance, at least at first.

How outrage fizzles

Meanwhile, other Democrats are shooting for symbolic victories. House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi is pushing for a Select Committee on Gun Violence, a move that may leave Republicans red-faced when they oppose it.

  • To have an effective system of regulating private sales you would need a registry, and the idea of a registry is an anathema to the gun owning community because they see a registration system as a precursor to a general confiscation—which it was in the U;
  • House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi is pushing for a Select Committee on Gun Violence, a move that may leave Republicans red-faced when they oppose it;
  • They could feel the bullets pinging off the concession stands, ricocheting off the pavement around them.

Some are hoping for help from an unlikely quarter: Many of the most fervent gun-rights advocates are also furious that the Government—Big G—makes them buy health coverage or pay a fine or pay taxes that underwrite large federal programs. Wealthy and white, he was an accountant and real estate investor with no apparent criminal record and no history of mental illness, according to his family.

He lived in a retirement community in Mesquite, Nev. The manicured golf course at Sun City Mesquite is an oasis of green in the surrounding desert.

Neighbors say Paddock—who lived with his girlfriend, a high-limit casino hostess who hailed from the Philippines but had Australian citizenship—mostly kept to himself. According to his younger brother Eric, Paddock liked cruises and Mexican food and taking trips to Vegas to play high-stakes video poker. He mailed cookies to his elderly mother in Florida. What we do know is that Paddock planned his mass murder meticulously. After arriving at the Mandalay Bay on Sept.

Over the course of three days, he ferried 23 guns, two tripods and hundreds of rounds of ammunition up to his room, one or two bags at a time. Below, in his car, he had bags of ammonium nitrate, which can be used to make a powerful explosive.

As a high roller, he may have had his pick of the unclaimed rooms, free of charge. The elevators to his car bypassed the lobby.

A perennial American question: why has gun control failed?

No one bothered him until his massacre was in progress. He knew they were coming; he had rigged video cameras in the hallway to give him a warning when police approached.

As law enforcement closed in, he put a handgun in his mouth and pulled a trigger for the last time. The glitzy boulevard is a symbol of our culture of decadence: But it is also now a place that exemplifies an American attribute, limited not just to Nevada: The slot machines were humming. Two poker tables were in full swing.

Racing fans filled the sports book. It was hard to tell whether the reaction came from strength or acquiescence.

But there it was: