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The end of white america by hua hsu

One of its great strengths is the way in which it recognizes the role that that a sort of existential power plays in the politics of racial identification — that is, the way the erotic appeal of a cultural identity lines up with its perceived cultural power.

  • Back in the twenties if you immigrated into the United States and wanted to be considered white or American, you had to blend in and follow the lifestyles and traditions that whites had;
  • Blackness, like whiteness, is a construct, a fiction;
  • Blackness, like whiteness, is a construct, a fiction;
  • It has also become difficult for the white women to get modeling or acting jobs, because beauty today are Hispanics or Latin looks and they are what our world calls "the style of today's world".

The idea of blackness, in its combination of cultural virtuosity with implicitly justified political opposition and subalterity, has long had an illicit pull for adventurous whites. But now that it is both oppositional and, in certain realms, hegemonic…that is a potent mix that leaves whiteness as a cultural identification in a weird state of drift, in which you see a process of further diffusion in some places and greater retrenchment in others.

Hsu is really judicious in distinguishing these things. Among contemporary scholars of race, whiteness is typically treated as this alchemic creation, a mix of legal and cultural creations rooted in the political and demographic struggles and scientific fictions of the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. These evolve and adjust through the 20th Century, but their fundamental status as epiphenomenal, constructed, rhetorical remains the same.

But alongside this fiction of whiteness, blackness gets a different epistemology. When blackness appears as the counterpart of whiteness as the thing that gives whiteness its defining contours as an ideal, as the negative Other of whitenessit, too, is treated as a product of these alchemical forces. Blackness, like whiteness, is a construct, a fiction.

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But when blackness appears on the scene as a cultural force of its own, breaking the fetters of whiteness and staking out its own claims in the open space of popular culture, and transforming that culture, the racial academic takes it on its own terms. The hermeneut-of-suspicion becomes a literal and reverent chronicler of the merry havoc effected by this new ascendant blackness. I do mean to point out the sudden lapse in suspicion of the scholars marking it, the sudden failure to treat this new ascendant blackness as itself a construct.

But why should they be? I would argue that, over the last twenty years especially, blackness and also nonwhiteness, of course, both more generally and in its other specific forms as an identity, an idea, a cultural marker, has been an object of furious constructive labor not just by self-conscious hip hop jesters and personality-artists, but by advertisers and other corporate sales experts, record execs and producers and promoters, lawyers and politicians, policy entrepreneurs and impresarios in the world of therapy and cultural counseling, educators and human resource professionals.

  • I would argue that, over the last twenty years especially, blackness and also nonwhiteness, of course, both more generally and in its other specific forms as an identity, an idea, a cultural marker, has been an object of furious constructive labor not just by self-conscious hip hop jesters and personality-artists, but by advertisers and other corporate sales experts, record execs and producers and promoters, lawyers and politicians, policy entrepreneurs and impresarios in the world of therapy and cultural counseling, educators and human resource professionals;
  • Even mainstream producers such as Timbaland are accused of stealing beats from Canadian group Crystal Castles;
  • From the 19th Century into the 1980s, English-language popular music was extraordinarily dynamic, due to a process of competition collaboration between whites and blacks;
  • The hermeneut-of-suspicion becomes a literal and reverent chronicler of the merry havoc effected by this new ascendant blackness.

The narrative of liberated multicultural blackness is, I would argue, as much a construct as the old definition of blackness as the hobbled other of whiteness.

This is basically what Benedict Anderson was talking about in Imagined Communities no?

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Cause academics scholar tend not to. For many teenagers suburban whites or otherwise their whole culture is sold to them by corporations, as opposed to inherited through families or local communities, that have engineered their products for maximum efficiency.

That anxiety underscores all the rest of the selling. From the 19th Century into the 1980s, English-language popular music was extraordinarily dynamic, due to a process of competition collaboration between whites and blacks. When I heard the first rap song on Top 40 radio in 1979, I thought to myself — what a cute novelty number!

  • For the men, white are considered to be mean and unfair with Hispanics when in fact they can usually be helpful but since Hispanics are increasing in popularity, whites believe that they have to fight for themselves and for their respect;
  • And then, as I predicted, the cool white bands like Talking Heads, The Clash, and Blondie brought out rap songs in 1980-81;
  • In other words, you had to look and act like a white to make America look "good";
  • Obviously no one but children ONLY listens to hip-hop;
  • I would argue that, over the last twenty years especially, blackness and also nonwhiteness, of course, both more generally and in its other specific forms as an identity, an idea, a cultural marker, has been an object of furious constructive labor not just by self-conscious hip hop jesters and personality-artists, but by advertisers and other corporate sales experts, record execs and producers and promoters, lawyers and politicians, policy entrepreneurs and impresarios in the world of therapy and cultural counseling, educators and human resource professionals.

I bet lots of people imitate it over the next year or two, before blacks get bored and invent something else. And then, as I predicted, the cool white bands like Talking Heads, The Clash, and Blondie brought out rap songs in 1980-81.

Instead, in the 1980s the racial Berlin Wall came down. Hip-hop was sanctified as the official authentic black music and whites were driven out. White rock likewise stagnated, shattering into countless fragmentary styles that, all in all, are pretty much the same as what you could hear on KROQ in 1982.

Those songs were written by whites and became huge hits for blacks. The old system of competition and collaboration between the races was so much more productive than the new system of musical apartheid. Perhaps Sailer would resign Steinski to this early era.

At the risk of sounding fogeyish, I feel that everybody in this debate seems to be missing the massive influence of the Beastie Boys on all aspects of hip-hop culture. Exiting the mainstream of the present, hip-hop is becoming increasingly multicultural, with artists such as Girl Talk, Diplo, and M.

Even mainstream producers such as Timbaland are accused of stealing beats from Canadian group Crystal Castles. Signs point to an increase in such collaboration and competition, rather than the opposite.

Singing is better than talking. Obviously no one but children ONLY listens to hip-hop. You are right in that respect. At some point, we want to hear melodies. Yeah, sometimes I want to hear singing, but sometimes I want to pummel my body with an 808 bass drum or a certain type of guitar distortion.

Sometimes the physicality of music trumps mere theory.